6/13/25 – We had a decentralized system of disaster assistance for almost 200 years before FEMA.
But more than 60% of the U.S. population has never known life without FEMA. So my post about President Trump’s intention to dismantle the agency caused considerable fear and anxiety. This post may help reassure those people. While change is always difficult, it’s possible. We had a decentralized system before. And we are still here.
More than 100 Programs Before Consolidation under FEMA
Before President Carter formed FEMA in 1979, disaster relief was a collection of scattered, fragmented federal, state, and local relief efforts. More than 100 programs existed on the federal level alone across HUD, USDA, DOE and other departments. The situation was chaotic and duplicative.
However, a recent announcement by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and President Trump indicated that FEMA will be disbanded after this hurricane season. Its responsibilities for disaster response will return to the states, according to Trump.
It appears we are coming full circle. How did we get here? Below is a brief history of disaster relief efforts in the U.S. dating back to 1802.
Early Federal Involvement (1802-1930s)
The first legislative act of federal disaster relief in U.S. history followed a devastating fire in Portsmouth, New Hampshire in December 1802. The destruction of large areas of the city’s seaport threatened commerce in the newly founded United States. In 1803, the U.S. Congress provided relief to affected Portsmouth merchants by suspending bond payments for several months.
In 1900, the first federal government disaster mitigation effort was in Galveston. The government assisted local and state groups with building the seawall.
Up through the 1930s, federal support was ad hoc. Congress passed more than 128 one-off disaster relief bills—each tailored to a specific event. There was no overarching federal policy.
During the New Deal era in the 1930s, agencies such the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (1932) and the Bureau of Public Roads (1934) began offering loans and disaster-related rebuilding funds for public infrastructure. (But the 1953 RFC Liquidation Act terminated its lending powers in an effort to fulfill President Dwight Eisenhower’s vision of limiting government’s involvement in the economy.)
From Civil Defense to Disaster Relief (1940-1960s)
On September 30, 1950, Congress passed the Federal Disaster Relief Act. It let the federal government assist states during disasters, by empowering the President to declare a “major disaster” and provide limited federal assistance. The President retained this function in various incarnations until 1973. But, overall, federal efforts still remained highly fragmented.
On December 1, 1950, President Harry Truman created the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA). It focused on nuclear threats, civil defense and disaster relief. Then in 1958, the FCDA merged into the Office of Defense and Civilian Mobilization.
In the 1960s, several major disasters drove change. Events like the Great Alaska Earthquake (1964) and Hurricanes Betsy (1965) and Camille (1969) spurred federal involvement.
The Flood Control Act of 1965 gave the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers greater authority to implement flood control projects.
The National Flood Insurance Act of 1968 created the NFIP to address flood risk via insurance.
Toward Coordination (1970s)
As stated above, by the early 1970s more than 100 programs addressed disaster response across numerous federal agencies.
In 1974, President Nixon signed the Disaster Relief Act. It standardized presidential disaster declarations and improved federal assistance.
During the Carter administration, momentum grew to consolidate scattered federal disaster and civil defense functions under one roof. An executive order formed FEMA on April 1, 1979.
Early FEMA Years (1979 – 1988)
FEMA quickly began coordinating disaster and civil defense efforts, managing the national flood insurance rollover, and responding to events like Love Canal and Three Mile Island.
The Robert T. Stafford Act in 1988 set the foundation for FEMA-led responses following federal declarations. It also encouraged state and local disaster planning.
Expansion and Reform (1990s – 2000)
The next two decades saw both expansion and reform for FEMA. The Exxon Valdez oil spill in Alaska in 1989 led to the Oil Pollution Act of 1990. This act specified federal response roles for oil-related disasters.
The Federal Response Plan in 1992 created an interagency framework for coordinated disaster response under the Stafford Act.
The Emergency Management Assistance Compact in 1996 enabled interstate mutual aid during disasters. It facilitated resource sharing when federal help wasn’t triggered.
In 2000, the Disaster Mitigation Act further amended the Stafford Act to emphasize preparedness and planning, including pre-disaster grants.
Post-9/11 and Modernization (2001–present)
After the 9/11 attacks in 2001, FEMA played a key role in emergency coordination, accelerating policy development. The Homeland Security Act of 2002 placed FEMA under DHS (effective 2003), integrating it into broader national security efforts .
The widespread devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina in 2005, led to the Post-Katrina Emergency Management Reform Act of 2006. It reestablished FEMA as a distinct agency within DHS, defined FEMA’s primary mission, and designated the FEMA Administrator as the principal advisor to the President, the Homeland Security Council, and the Secretary of Homeland Security for all matters relating to emergency management in the United States.
In 2008, a National Response Plan aligned response partners from government, NGOs, and the private sector.
Then in 2018, the Disaster Recovery Reform Act updated the Stafford Act again to bolster pre-disaster mitigation funding and resilience-building measures.
Key Takeaways
Emergency assistance is constantly evolving in the U.S.
Fragmented federal assistance endured until the 1970s Relief efforts were hampered by dozens of distinct agencies and programs—resolved only when FEMA centralized federal coordination.
Shift from response to resilience Over time, legislation and policy have increasingly emphasized preparedness and mitigation, not just post-disaster relief.
Partnership model Disaster response in the U.S. is a layered system where local → state → federal coordination is essential, supported by mutual aid compacts and NGOs.
Important to Texas
In reorganizing disaster assistance yet again, I hope that we can retain its best aspects. Disaster assistance is too important to just disappear. The chart below makes that clear. It shows the total amounts of assistance FEMA has offered Texas and other disaster-prone states/territories since its inception.
6/12/25 – As Harris County begins setting its budget for 2026, a number of events have underscored the County’s appalling lack of transparency that involve billions of dollars in spending. For example:
An empty transmittal to Commissioners Court by the Office of Management and Budget that should have communicated level-of-service projections for budget discussions.
County Attorney Christian Menefee’s automatic appeal of every Public Information Request made by investigative journalist Wayne Dolcefino to the Texas Attorney General’s office.
The County Engineer’s failure to detail where 2022 bond money is being spent.
Missed deadlines by the County Engineer and Flood Control District to account for subdivision drainage expenditures and 2018 Flood Bond project funds.
Projected $270 Million Shortfall and Tax Increase
The County has a mandatory deadline of September 30, 2025 to set its budget for the next fiscal year. And this year won’t be pleasant. According to the Houston Chronicle, the county now faces a $270 million deficit for next year, more than double earlier projections.
As Commissioners Court debates which program budgets can be reduced and which genuinely need increases, they are reportedly also exploring a possible tax-rate election. Such an election is required under Texas statutes if the county seeks to raise taxes above certain limits.
But there is an appalling lack of information available on current and projected budgets by departments. That information is necessary for citizens to evaluate whether a tax increase is justified and to participate in the process.
Example: A “transmittal” by the Office of Management and Budget on today’s Commissioners Court agenda was to have described updates to the FY2026 Level of Service Projections. See Item 300. But when you click on the link for more information, the linked document had absolutely NO details.
Precinct 3 Commissioner Tom Ramsey questioned budget director Daniel Ramos about it. Ramos promised to have details for the next commissioners court meeting on 6/26/25. We’ve been hearing that since February. Regardless, the three Democratic commissioners voted to “accept” the empty transmittal. Judge Lina Hidalgo was absent.
Automatic Appeals of Public Information Requests
At an hour-long talk in Humble on June 9, 2025 to a group of concerned citizens, legendary investigative journalist Wayne Dolcefino described his problems prying information out of Harris County.
Wayne Dolcefino Presentation at Spring Creek BBQ on 6/9/2025
He stated that Harris County Attorney Christian Menefee (who is running for Congress while still acting as county attorney) systematically denies every request for public information that Dolcefino makes.
Dolcefino says that Menefee appeals them all to Attorney General Ken Paxton. That forces Dolcefino to appeal the appeals. And that draws out the process and increases his costs – some by thousands of dollars.
Many of his requests are ridiculously simple, i.e., for an invoice. In one of the cases where Dolcefino’s appeal succeeded, he says that Menefee’s office supplied him with an invoice for a million dollars that had absolutely no backup or detail. Yet the County paid it.
Dolcefino thanks Gallery Furniture owner Jim “Mattress Mack” McIngvale for helping to support his quest to shine light on the County’s cult of secrecy surrounding its financial operations.
Where is That 2022 Bond Money Going?
In November 2022, Harris County voters approved three bond propositions totaling $1.2 billion for public safety facilities, roads, drainage, transportation-related programs, parks, and trails.
Of the total amount, $100 million is designated for countywide public-safety investments. The remaining $1.1 billion will be allocated across the four Harris County precincts for transportation, parks, and trail projects.
But despite having spent $116.7 million dollars in the last three years, the county engineer provides absolutely no detail on what the transportation, parks, and trails money has bought.
No Requested Update on Flood Bond/Subdivision Drainage Expenditures in 126 days
On February 6, Commissioners Court erupted into a rare display of bipartisan outrage when it became clear that the County didn’t have enough money to deliver flood-mitigation projects promised long ago. The shortfalls had to do with the 2018 Flood Bond and Subdivision Drainage programs.
One hundred and twenty-six days later, commissioners are still waiting for a simple report that details:
Sources of funding
Status of each project
Expected time to completion
How cost has changed over time
Whether there was a change in scope
The 2018 Flood Bond contained 181 projects totaling $5.2 billion. A 27.5% compound rate of inflation since 2018 has undermined a sizable, but undetermined chunk of the program’s purchasing power.
Commissioners worry whether enough money remains to complete priority projects in their precincts.
Transparency Needed for Accountability
In the last two years under Lina Hidalgo, Harris County has spent more than $5 billion dollars of your tax money. But no one can tell you, or at least will tell you, where that money has gone.
And yet the County wants more of your money. Some may be going to worthwhile programs. But until Harris County supplies more details, it will be hard to tell. We need transparency to hold elected officials accountable.
Posted by Bob Rehak on 6/12/25
2844 Days since Hurricane Harvey
The thoughts expressed in this post represent opinions on matters of public concern and safety. They are protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution and the Anti-SLAPP Statute of the Great State of Texas.
https://i0.wp.com/reduceflooding.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/20250609-DSC_2471-2.jpg?fit=1100%2C733&ssl=17331100adminadmin2025-06-12 18:18:352025-06-12 20:42:01Harris County’s Appalling Lack of Transparency
6/11/2025 – President Donald Trump has provided the most specific timeline yet for his plans to eliminate FEMA. He says he will phase out the agency after this hurricane season ends on November 30. According to news reports on CNN and ABC, Trump says he will shift responsibility for disaster relief onto states.
Some Funding for States May Remain Available
However, that does not necessarily mean that ALL funding provided by FEMA will go away. Trump says his office will distribute aid directly to states. But he also reportedly said after an Oval Office briefing that there will be less federal aid.
For months, Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, whose department oversees FEMA, have vowed to eliminate the agency, repeatedly criticizing it as ineffective and unnecessary. Noem reiterated those plans Tuesday in the Oval Office, saying FEMA “fundamentally needs to go away as it exists.”
Noem didn’t have much good to say about the agency she oversees. According to ABC, she reportedly said, “We all know FEMA has failed thousands, if not millions of people.” She obviously never lived in a FEMA trailer after her home was swept away by floodwaters.
Are States Prepared to Take Over FEMA’s Role?
No one thinks FEMA is perfect. The most frequent criticism: that it takes too long for aid to reach the people who need it when they need it most.
According to CNN, Trump’s exact long-term plans for the federal government’s role in disaster response remain unclear. But the administration is seeking ways to make it far more difficult to qualify for federal aid and have state’s handle the job.
However, plans to eliminate FEMA have reportedly baffled state emergency managers. Many doubt localized efforts could replace the agency. Most states, they said, do not have the budget or personnel to handle catastrophic disasters on their own, even if the federal government provides a financial backstop.
The Atlantic said that’s Trump’s statements suggest that “he does not understand that states already do lead disaster response; they just can’t do it without an infusion of FEMA dollars and expertise when the disaster is too big.” They concluded, “The buck has been passed.”
I’m personally waiting to hear how duplicating FEMA capabilities in 50 states and then putting them on standby between less frequent emergencies will improve efficiency.
What Will Happen When a Disaster Overwhelms a State?
The 62-page, well written report contains 17 common-sense recommendations to fix FEMA and other government disaster aid programs, not eliminate them. The recommendations focus on how to speed up the delivery of aid an eliminate red tape.
As I read the report, I had an eerie sense of deja vu. I kept flashing back to the problems Texas encountered after Hurricane Harvey – problems we still battle almost eight years later.
Edwards puts the scope of North Carolina’s disaster in perspective. He says, “In American history, only eight hurricanes have reached the $50 billion damage threshold across the area of impact. For Hurricane Helene, North Carolina has calculated at least $59.6 billion in damage in North Carolina alone, not include the six other states of impact.”
Helene, to cite a few examples:
Wiped out 18% of one North Carolina county’s housing stock
Forced 1300 companies in another county out of business
Caused a 70% decline in yet another county’s tourist economy
Damaged 152 bridges
Destroyed 4 miles of Interstate 40 and caused detours costing local businesses as much as $60,000 per month
“The tragic reality is that Western North Carolina is at risk of going bankrupt.”
Rep. Chuck Edwards, North Carolina’s 11th Congressional District, Page 38
Among Edwards’ 17 recommendations, he includes these:
Eliminate or consolidate duplicative programs and processes between agencies
Modernize FEMA’s outdated IT systems
Simplify processes for disaster survivors
Edwards’ report is highly recommended reading.
It seems to me that reforming disaster relief may be a better alternative than handing it off to states, such as North Carolina, that may find themselves unable to cope with disasters as large as Helene.
The thoughts expressed in this post represent opinions on matters of public concern and safety. They are protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution and the Anti-SLAPP Statute of the Great State of Texas.
https://i0.wp.com/reduceflooding.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/I-40_Helene_2.jpg?fit=1024%2C768&ssl=17681024adminadmin2025-06-11 16:51:492025-06-11 16:56:34Trump Plans to Eliminate FEMA after 2025 Hurricane Season
U.S. Disaster Assistance History Shows Constant Change
6/13/25 – We had a decentralized system of disaster assistance for almost 200 years before FEMA.
But more than 60% of the U.S. population has never known life without FEMA. So my post about President Trump’s intention to dismantle the agency caused considerable fear and anxiety. This post may help reassure those people. While change is always difficult, it’s possible. We had a decentralized system before. And we are still here.
More than 100 Programs Before Consolidation under FEMA
Before President Carter formed FEMA in 1979, disaster relief was a collection of scattered, fragmented federal, state, and local relief efforts. More than 100 programs existed on the federal level alone across HUD, USDA, DOE and other departments. The situation was chaotic and duplicative.
However, a recent announcement by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and President Trump indicated that FEMA will be disbanded after this hurricane season. Its responsibilities for disaster response will return to the states, according to Trump.
It appears we are coming full circle. How did we get here? Below is a brief history of disaster relief efforts in the U.S. dating back to 1802.
Early Federal Involvement (1802-1930s)
The first legislative act of federal disaster relief in U.S. history followed a devastating fire in Portsmouth, New Hampshire in December 1802. The destruction of large areas of the city’s seaport threatened commerce in the newly founded United States. In 1803, the U.S. Congress provided relief to affected Portsmouth merchants by suspending bond payments for several months.
In 1900, the first federal government disaster mitigation effort was in Galveston. The government assisted local and state groups with building the seawall.
Up through the 1930s, federal support was ad hoc. Congress passed more than 128 one-off disaster relief bills—each tailored to a specific event. There was no overarching federal policy.
During the New Deal era in the 1930s, agencies such the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (1932) and the Bureau of Public Roads (1934) began offering loans and disaster-related rebuilding funds for public infrastructure. (But the 1953 RFC Liquidation Act terminated its lending powers in an effort to fulfill President Dwight Eisenhower’s vision of limiting government’s involvement in the economy.)
From Civil Defense to Disaster Relief (1940-1960s)
On September 30, 1950, Congress passed the Federal Disaster Relief Act. It let the federal government assist states during disasters, by empowering the President to declare a “major disaster” and provide limited federal assistance. The President retained this function in various incarnations until 1973. But, overall, federal efforts still remained highly fragmented.
On December 1, 1950, President Harry Truman created the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA). It focused on nuclear threats, civil defense and disaster relief. Then in 1958, the FCDA merged into the Office of Defense and Civilian Mobilization.
In the 1960s, several major disasters drove change. Events like the Great Alaska Earthquake (1964) and Hurricanes Betsy (1965) and Camille (1969) spurred federal involvement.
The Flood Control Act of 1965 gave the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers greater authority to implement flood control projects.
The National Flood Insurance Act of 1968 created the NFIP to address flood risk via insurance.
Toward Coordination (1970s)
As stated above, by the early 1970s more than 100 programs addressed disaster response across numerous federal agencies.
In 1974, President Nixon signed the Disaster Relief Act. It standardized presidential disaster declarations and improved federal assistance.
During the Carter administration, momentum grew to consolidate scattered federal disaster and civil defense functions under one roof. An executive order formed FEMA on April 1, 1979.
Early FEMA Years (1979 – 1988)
FEMA quickly began coordinating disaster and civil defense efforts, managing the national flood insurance rollover, and responding to events like Love Canal and Three Mile Island.
The Robert T. Stafford Act in 1988 set the foundation for FEMA-led responses following federal declarations. It also encouraged state and local disaster planning.
Expansion and Reform (1990s – 2000)
The next two decades saw both expansion and reform for FEMA. The Exxon Valdez oil spill in Alaska in 1989 led to the Oil Pollution Act of 1990. This act specified federal response roles for oil-related disasters.
The Federal Response Plan in 1992 created an interagency framework for coordinated disaster response under the Stafford Act.
The Emergency Management Assistance Compact in 1996 enabled interstate mutual aid during disasters. It facilitated resource sharing when federal help wasn’t triggered.
In 2000, the Disaster Mitigation Act further amended the Stafford Act to emphasize preparedness and planning, including pre-disaster grants.
Post-9/11 and Modernization (2001–present)
After the 9/11 attacks in 2001, FEMA played a key role in emergency coordination, accelerating policy development. The Homeland Security Act of 2002 placed FEMA under DHS (effective 2003), integrating it into broader national security efforts .
The widespread devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina in 2005, led to the Post-Katrina Emergency Management Reform Act of 2006. It reestablished FEMA as a distinct agency within DHS, defined FEMA’s primary mission, and designated the FEMA Administrator as the principal advisor to the President, the Homeland Security Council, and the Secretary of Homeland Security for all matters relating to emergency management in the United States.
In 2008, a National Response Plan aligned response partners from government, NGOs, and the private sector.
Then in 2018, the Disaster Recovery Reform Act updated the Stafford Act again to bolster pre-disaster mitigation funding and resilience-building measures.
Key Takeaways
Emergency assistance is constantly evolving in the U.S.
Relief efforts were hampered by dozens of distinct agencies and programs—resolved only when FEMA centralized federal coordination.
Over time, legislation and policy have increasingly emphasized preparedness and mitigation, not just post-disaster relief.
Disaster response in the U.S. is a layered system where local → state → federal coordination is essential, supported by mutual aid compacts and NGOs.
Important to Texas
In reorganizing disaster assistance yet again, I hope that we can retain its best aspects. Disaster assistance is too important to just disappear. The chart below makes that clear. It shows the total amounts of assistance FEMA has offered Texas and other disaster-prone states/territories since its inception.
Assistance ($B)
Assistance ($B)
Assistance ($B)
Posted by Bob Rehak on 6/13/2025
2845 Days since Hurricane Harvey
Harris County’s Appalling Lack of Transparency
6/12/25 – As Harris County begins setting its budget for 2026, a number of events have underscored the County’s appalling lack of transparency that involve billions of dollars in spending. For example:
Projected $270 Million Shortfall and Tax Increase
The County has a mandatory deadline of September 30, 2025 to set its budget for the next fiscal year. And this year won’t be pleasant. According to the Houston Chronicle, the county now faces a $270 million deficit for next year, more than double earlier projections.
As Commissioners Court debates which program budgets can be reduced and which genuinely need increases, they are reportedly also exploring a possible tax-rate election. Such an election is required under Texas statutes if the county seeks to raise taxes above certain limits.
But there is an appalling lack of information available on current and projected budgets by departments. That information is necessary for citizens to evaluate whether a tax increase is justified and to participate in the process.
Example: A “transmittal” by the Office of Management and Budget on today’s Commissioners Court agenda was to have described updates to the FY2026 Level of Service Projections. See Item 300. But when you click on the link for more information, the linked document had absolutely NO details.
Precinct 3 Commissioner Tom Ramsey questioned budget director Daniel Ramos about it. Ramos promised to have details for the next commissioners court meeting on 6/26/25. We’ve been hearing that since February. Regardless, the three Democratic commissioners voted to “accept” the empty transmittal. Judge Lina Hidalgo was absent.
Automatic Appeals of Public Information Requests
At an hour-long talk in Humble on June 9, 2025 to a group of concerned citizens, legendary investigative journalist Wayne Dolcefino described his problems prying information out of Harris County.
He stated that Harris County Attorney Christian Menefee (who is running for Congress while still acting as county attorney) systematically denies every request for public information that Dolcefino makes.
Dolcefino says that Menefee appeals them all to Attorney General Ken Paxton. That forces Dolcefino to appeal the appeals. And that draws out the process and increases his costs – some by thousands of dollars.
Many of his requests are ridiculously simple, i.e., for an invoice. In one of the cases where Dolcefino’s appeal succeeded, he says that Menefee’s office supplied him with an invoice for a million dollars that had absolutely no backup or detail. Yet the County paid it.
Dolcefino thanks Gallery Furniture owner Jim “Mattress Mack” McIngvale for helping to support his quest to shine light on the County’s cult of secrecy surrounding its financial operations.
Where is That 2022 Bond Money Going?
In November 2022, Harris County voters approved three bond propositions totaling $1.2 billion for public safety facilities, roads, drainage, transportation-related programs, parks, and trails.
Of the total amount, $100 million is designated for countywide public-safety investments. The remaining $1.1 billion will be allocated across the four Harris County precincts for transportation, parks, and trail projects.
The engineer’s website contains information about where money is going for several public-safety facilities.
But despite having spent $116.7 million dollars in the last three years, the county engineer provides absolutely no detail on what the transportation, parks, and trails money has bought.
No Requested Update on Flood Bond/Subdivision Drainage Expenditures in 126 days
On February 6, Commissioners Court erupted into a rare display of bipartisan outrage when it became clear that the County didn’t have enough money to deliver flood-mitigation projects promised long ago. The shortfalls had to do with the 2018 Flood Bond and Subdivision Drainage programs.
One hundred and twenty-six days later, commissioners are still waiting for a simple report that details:
The 2018 Flood Bond contained 181 projects totaling $5.2 billion. A 27.5% compound rate of inflation since 2018 has undermined a sizable, but undetermined chunk of the program’s purchasing power.
Commissioners worry whether enough money remains to complete priority projects in their precincts.
Transparency Needed for Accountability
In the last two years under Lina Hidalgo, Harris County has spent more than $5 billion dollars of your tax money. But no one can tell you, or at least will tell you, where that money has gone.
And yet the County wants more of your money. Some may be going to worthwhile programs. But until Harris County supplies more details, it will be hard to tell. We need transparency to hold elected officials accountable.
Posted by Bob Rehak on 6/12/25
2844 Days since Hurricane Harvey
The thoughts expressed in this post represent opinions on matters of public concern and safety. They are protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution and the Anti-SLAPP Statute of the Great State of Texas.
Trump Plans to Eliminate FEMA after 2025 Hurricane Season
6/11/2025 – President Donald Trump has provided the most specific timeline yet for his plans to eliminate FEMA. He says he will phase out the agency after this hurricane season ends on November 30. According to news reports on CNN and ABC, Trump says he will shift responsibility for disaster relief onto states.
Some Funding for States May Remain Available
However, that does not necessarily mean that ALL funding provided by FEMA will go away. Trump says his office will distribute aid directly to states. But he also reportedly said after an Oval Office briefing that there will be less federal aid.
For months, Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, whose department oversees FEMA, have vowed to eliminate the agency, repeatedly criticizing it as ineffective and unnecessary. Noem reiterated those plans Tuesday in the Oval Office, saying FEMA “fundamentally needs to go away as it exists.”
Noem didn’t have much good to say about the agency she oversees. According to ABC, she reportedly said, “We all know FEMA has failed thousands, if not millions of people.” She obviously never lived in a FEMA trailer after her home was swept away by floodwaters.
Are States Prepared to Take Over FEMA’s Role?
No one thinks FEMA is perfect. The most frequent criticism: that it takes too long for aid to reach the people who need it when they need it most.
According to CNN, Trump’s exact long-term plans for the federal government’s role in disaster response remain unclear. But the administration is seeking ways to make it far more difficult to qualify for federal aid and have state’s handle the job.
However, plans to eliminate FEMA have reportedly baffled state emergency managers. Many doubt localized efforts could replace the agency. Most states, they said, do not have the budget or personnel to handle catastrophic disasters on their own, even if the federal government provides a financial backstop.
The Atlantic said that’s Trump’s statements suggest that “he does not understand that states already do lead disaster response; they just can’t do it without an infusion of FEMA dollars and expertise when the disaster is too big.” They concluded, “The buck has been passed.”
I’m personally waiting to hear how duplicating FEMA capabilities in 50 states and then putting them on standby between less frequent emergencies will improve efficiency.
What Will Happen When a Disaster Overwhelms a State?
Ironically, this morning, I started preparing a post on a Report to the President titled “What’s Needed to Advance Hurricane Helene Recovery in Western North Carolina.” U.S. Representative Chuck Edwards from western North Carolina prepared the report in April 2025.
The 62-page, well written report contains 17 common-sense recommendations to fix FEMA and other government disaster aid programs, not eliminate them. The recommendations focus on how to speed up the delivery of aid an eliminate red tape.
As I read the report, I had an eerie sense of deja vu. I kept flashing back to the problems Texas encountered after Hurricane Harvey – problems we still battle almost eight years later.
Edwards puts the scope of North Carolina’s disaster in perspective. He says, “In American history, only eight hurricanes have reached the $50 billion damage threshold across the area of impact. For Hurricane Helene, North Carolina has calculated at least $59.6 billion in damage in North Carolina alone, not include the six other states of impact.”
Helene, to cite a few examples:
Among Edwards’ 17 recommendations, he includes these:
Edwards’ report is highly recommended reading.
It seems to me that reforming disaster relief may be a better alternative than handing it off to states, such as North Carolina, that may find themselves unable to cope with disasters as large as Helene.
If Trump gets this wrong, it could be his undoing. More than 55 million Americans live in areas directly exposed to hurricanes. But according to Fox News, Trump won the 2024 election by only 2.3 million votes.
Posted by Bob Rehak on 6/11/25
2843 Days since Hurricane Harvey
The thoughts expressed in this post represent opinions on matters of public concern and safety. They are protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution and the Anti-SLAPP Statute of the Great State of Texas.