The Inequities of Equity: Ellis’ Watershed Receives as Much CIP Spending as 12 Others Put Together
7/16/25 – Brays Bayou, the watershed where Harris County Precinct 1 Commissioner Rodney Ellis lives, has received virtually as much capital-improvement spending as 12 other watersheds put together. The county has 23 watersheds in all. So…
Ellis’ watershed received as much capital-improvement funding as half of all other watersheds combined.
For this analysis, I focused on Capital Improvement spending because it actually reduces flood risk. Maintenance usually keeps flood risk from getting worse.
The 12 “have not” watersheds include:

In contrast, Ellis’ watershed benefited from $170.58 million in capital improvement spending.
Highest Flooding, Lowest Funding
Among the 12 are the San Jacinto River and Spring Creek Watersheds. They had the highest flooding in Harris County during Harvey.

How to Explore the Data Yourself
I obtained the spending figures from a Microsoft Power BI table on the Harris County Flood Control District (HCFCD) website’s Activity page.

To see CIP spending, select “CIP” under the Project-Group filter on the left. That removes “maintenance expenditures.” Now dig deeper.
“District Funds” Even More Skewed
As I explored the data, I found another inequity. The District has spent $281 million from its own budget since 2018 Q3 (as opposed to bond or partner funds). To see this, leave CIP selected and select “District Funds” under Fund Source.

Ellis’ watershed (Brays) also received the lion’s share of this pot of money – almost $58 million. More than one fifth of all District Funds spent in seven years went to the watershed Rodney Ellis lives in.
Meanwhile, the San Jacinto Watershed – the county’s largest – received only about $3 thousand. That’s 17,000 times less.

Other area watersheds didn’t fare much better:
- Cedar Bayou received $2.64 million
- Jackson Bayou received $1.64 million
- Spring Creek received $996 thousand
- Luce Bayou received $137 thousand.
Ellis Hogs “Construction” Spending, Too
This skewed funding is a direct result of statistical gerrymandering in Ellis’ race-based Equity Prioritization Framework.
By almost any metric you look at, you see the same discrimination. Consider “construction” spending. Why? Money spent on upfront engineering studies and land acquisition doesn’t reduce flood risk one iota until someone actually starts turning dirt. Real reductions in flood risk begin with construction.
Ellis’ watershed received $126.58 million to date in construction spending. But the San Jacinto watershed has received only $18.49 million – one seventh of what Ellis gave himself.
It’s good to be king of commissioners court. You even get to filibuster about how Kingwood is getting all the money while Greens and Halls get none.
Download the spreadsheet on the HCFCD Activity page above the Power BI tables. Sort the 13,155 invoices paid to date since the start of the flood bond. You will see that…
Greens Bayou received $112 million capital improvement construction dollars; Halls Bayou received $27 million and Kingwood received ZERO.
No Fairness, No Future
The language and project lists associated with the 2018 flood bond were promises designed to reassure voters that the bond money would be distributed fairly throughout the county. So far, that promise has been broken.
And there’s no hint that the distribution of aid would be any better if we voted another $5 billion. This Commissioners Court has ignored the requirements in the bond language that voters approved.
And with the 2022 Bond which had a billion dollar drainage component, they first pledged an equal distribution of funds among precincts. Then AFTER voters approved the bond, they reversed their own motion.
I fear for the future of Harris County if this unfairness continues. Why would anyone vote for another bond?
Posted by Bob Rehak on 7/16/25.
2879 Days since Hurricane Harvey
The thoughts expressed in this post represent opinions on matters of public concern and safety. They are protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution and the Anti-SLAPP Statute of the Great State of Texas.



